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Mehr als Tauwetter? Russland und die gesamteuropäische Sicherheit. (German)
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- Author(s): Spanger, Hans-Joachim
- Source:
International Politics & Society (Verlag J.H.W. Dietz Nachfolger GmbH); 2011, Issue 1, p42-65, 24p- Subject Terms:
- Source:
- Additional Information
- Alternate Title: More than Just a Thaw? Russia and Pan-European Security. (English)
- Subject Terms:
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- Subject Terms:
- Abstract: Relations between Russia and the West have experienced a period of détente since Obama's »reset.« Such »sunshine« periods are nothing new, the previous one ensuing after September 11, 2001. However, they have always been succeeded by »Klimastürze« (periods of climatic upheaval). Both sides need to make an effort if this pattern is not to repeat itself. What is needed in the West is to extend relations beyond the hitherto narrow corridor of strategic arms control and the joint non-proliferation policy towards Iran. This would also involve at long last clarifying the strategic nature of relations with Russia, for example, with regard to developing European security. Here two approaches confront one another, with prominent supporters on both sides. On one side are those who stress the exclusive nature of Western security organizations as a guarantee of counter-insurance against Russia and to that end favor their further expansion. On the other side are those who, for the purposes of pan-European responsibility call for at least a progressive integration with Russia, sometimes even NATO membership. On the Russian side, similar clarification is needed. Although Russia finds itself in an inferior position in relation to the organizing power of NATO and the EU, without an autonomous ability to set the agenda, nevertheless the question arises of whether Russia wishes to assert itself in cooperation with and in support of the West or separately and in confrontation with it. In his famous speech at the Munich security conference in 2007 Putin withdrew allegiance to the USA and established Russia as an independent pillar in a multipolar parallelogram of power. The steady economic rise and global power shift in favor of the BRIC countries (Brazil, Russia, India, China) turned this self-confidence into hubris, however, until the global economic crisis of 2008/2009 brought Russia back to earth with a bump, making it starkly aware of its limitations. This has altered not only Russia's foreign policy rhetoric but also its priorities, although not its notion of itself as an independent great power. To the same extent that Russia became aware of its international integration and dependencies, its international competitiveness and modernization became more important. However, this requires a cooperative foreign policy stance which President Medvedev has pursued perfectly credibly, but with limited practical results. The European Security Treaty which he proposed at the end of 2009 fits in with this very well. In the West, his initiative was seen largely as a sinister maneuver in a long line of attempts by Moscow to undermine NATO. In fact, however, it represents a legitimate and, as regards its level of aspiration, moderate attempt to obtain a hearing for Russia's voice in Europe. The West - and Germany too - should take a much more constructive approach than they have been ready to take hitherto. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]
- Abstract: Copyright of International Politics & Society (Verlag J.H.W. Dietz Nachfolger GmbH) is the property of Verlag J.H.W. Dietz Nachf. GmbH and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)
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