Abstract: While composing his Ragionamenti sopra le varietà de i flussi et riflussi del mare Oceano Occidentale (1574), Nikola Sagri, captain from the island of Šipan, was guided by two main goals: to find out the cause of tides and to publish tidal reports on two important navigation routes. In doing so, he expressed his attitude towards observation sententiously: "long and true experience is the mother of every science" (la lunga e vera esperienza è madre d'ogni scienza). The first report, "Nota particolare del tempo e l'hora de i flussi e riflussi del mare Oceano Occidentale," which contains data on the appearance of high waters along the Atlantic coast from Gibraltar to Flanders by hour and minute, was appended to the third dialogue of the first part, while the second, shorter report on the onset of tide in the Bristol Channel and along the coast of Ireland, was appended to the first dialogue of the second part. Ivan Marija Sagri, who, after the sudden death of the writer printed the Ragionamenti, explained in the foreword that his late brother was a uomo curioso e industrioso. While writing on the same theme in "De maris affluxus, et refluxus varietate," Book 28 of his Pancosmia, Frane Petrić was the first to present in a printed book Sagri's reports on the occurrence of tide on the European coasts of the Atlantic and on the navigation routes along their coastline, by using the syntagms ex Sagri relatione or ex Sagro. Moreover, as a natural philosopher he used them in his reasonings on the causes of tides: against the sentence on the Moon as the only cause of tides, and in support of the sentence on the eventual chasms on the seabed. Under the influence of his teacher Rudolph Goclenius, Otto Casmann, professor in Stade in the German north, in the chapter "Duorum Nautarum marini aestus observatorum specialis historia" of his book Marinae quaestiones (1596), included a large quotation from Book 28 of Petrić's Pancosmia. But Casmann also 'understood' Petrić's commentary of Sagri's report as Sagri's text, in consequence of which Petrić's commentary could be wrongly attributed to Sagri. In addition, in the chapter "Causae, cur maria alia magis, alia aestuant minus" in which Casmann amply quoted from Book 29 of Petrić's Pancosmia, he made two references to Sagri, the first being an explicit quotation on the shallows along the Belgian coast, and the second, failing to mention the source, in which he drew attention to the variety in the hours of tide (varietas horarum affluxus) both along the coastline and the navigation route. Unlike Casmann, papal engineer Bartolomeo Crescenzio had access to the printed works and manuscripts of Nikola Sagri thanks mainly to the assistance of the latter's brother Ivan Marija Sagri, including among them the "ingenious discourse he had composed on tides". In his influential compendium Nautica mediterranea (1602), Crescenzio published in full both Sagri's observations on tidal reports, yet adapted them in terms of toponymy and terminology. The instruction following Sagri's first report conveys the same meaning in Crescenzio's Nautica, though formulated in somewhat simpler sentences to suit the first users of this book - the captains of the Papal fleet. According to the pages of his work Euripus (1624), Marko Antun de Dominis became acquainted with Sagri's first report through Casmann's Marinae quaestiones (1596), therefore, in Petrić's presentation of Sagri's report. While commenting Petrić's objections to Sagri in his Euripus (1624), he twice referred to Sagri's observations, but his commentary would most certainly have taken a different course if he had access to Sagri's Ragionamenti and his argumentation in support of the Moon action on tides. In his advocation of geocentrism in Almagestum novum (1651), particularly in his refutation of Galileo's erroneous explanation of the cause of tides, the Jesuit scholar Giovanni Battista Riccioli called upon Sagri's reports, based on Crescenzio. Moreover, by producing their integral Latin translation, he breathed new life into them and spread their influence among the professors and students at Jesuit Colleges till 1757. When Isaac Gruter prepared from Francis Bacon's heritage Scripta in naturali et universali philosophia (1653) for Elsevier, Amsterdam publisher, this edition also included Bacon's shorter treatise De fluxu et refluxu maris. By presupposing the existence of consensus rerum, correspondence between the motion of the Moon and sea tides, Bacon formulated his research programme and decided to study three experiments, the second of which he formulated from Petrić's review of Sagri's first report. Whether in his formulation of 'the second experiment' he drew from Petrić's Pancosmia or from Casmann's Marinae quaestiones - remains an open problem. At the end of his treatise Bacon advocated for the observations along the Atlantic coasts introduced by Sagri to be furthered and advanced. While including the integral text of Sagri's two reports on tides in Almagestum novum, Riccioli, in two editions of his later work Geographiae et hydrographiae reformatae libri duodecim (1661, 1672), published a table of tide appearances at Atlantic littorals of European countries, which, in comparison with the later observations of tides in the works of Slotboom, Dudley and Varenius, retained considerable observation data that Sagri had made from Gibraltar to Nieuwpoort, along the south coast of England, along the coast of Ireland, and while crossing the English Channel from the starting point in a Flanders harbour. Between 1591 and 1672 Sagri's tidal reports were used for four different purposes: natural-philosophical research of the causes of tides in Petrić, Casmann and de Dominis, practical nautical use in the navigation along the European coast of the Atlantic in Crescenzio, methodological in Bacon, and polemic-cosmological in Riccioli. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]
Abstract: Kapetan Nikola Sagri s otoka Šipana u svoje je djelo Ragionamenti sopra le varietà de i flussi et riflussi del mare Oceano Occidentale (1574) uključio dva opažačka izvješća o vremenu nastupa plime duž europskih obala Atlantskoga oceana: prvo od Gibraltara do Flandrije i Zeelandije te uzduž južne engleske obale, a drugo duž irske obale i u Bristolskom kanalu. Ivan Marija Sagri, koji je nakon iznenadne smrti pisca tiskao Ragionamenti, posvjedočio je u predgovoru čitateljima da je njegov pokojni brat bio⪢radoznao i marljiv čovjek⪡. Koliko je dosad istraženo, Frane Petrić bio je prvi koji je u tiskanoj knjizi prikazao i komentirao prvo Sagrijevo izvješće dok je o morskim mijenama pisao u⪢De maris affluxus, et refluxus varietate⪡, 28. knjizi svoje Pancosmije, služeći se pritom sintagmama ex Sagri relatione ili ex Sagro. Dapače, na to se izvješće pozivao u svojim umovanjima o uzrocima morskih mijena: protiv sentencije o Mjesecu kao jedinom uzroku morskih mijena, a za sentenciju o možebitnim ponorima u morskom dnu. Pod utjecajem svoga učitelja Gocleniusa Otto Casmann, profesor u gradiću Stadeu na njemačkom sjeveru, u poglavlju⪢Duorum Nautarum marini aestus observatorum specialis historia⪡ svoje knjige Marinae quaestiones (1596) preuzeo je u cijelosti Petrićev prikaz i komentar Sagrijeva izvješća. Pritom je dijelove Petrićeva komentara 'shvatio' kao Sagrijev tekst i time otvorio mogućnost da čitatelj Sagriju pripiše Petrićev komentar. Papinski inženjer Bartolomeo Crescenzio u svom je utjecajnom nautičkom kompendiju Nautica mediterranea (1602) oba Sagrijeva opažačka izvješća objavio u cijelosti, ali u dotjeranoj inačici. Sagrijevu uputu za uporabu opažačkoga izvješća Crescenzio je izrekao jednostavnije, primjereno prvim adresatima svoje knjige - kapetanima papinske flote. Kako svjedoče stranice njegova djela Euripus (1624), Marko Antun de Dominis upoznao je prvo Sagrijevo izvješće preko Casmannovih Marinae quaestiones (1596), dakle u Petrićevu prikazu Sagrijeva izvješća. Dok je komentirao Petrićeve prigovore Sagriju, dvaput se osvrnuo na Sagrijeve opažaje, ali bi njegov komentar sigurno bio drugačijega usmjerenja da je izravno poznavao Sagrijeve Ragionamenti i Dubrovčaninovu argumentaciju u prilog Mjesečevu djelovanju. S pomoću Crescenzijeva kompendija isusovac Giovanni Battista Riccioli upoznao je Sagrijeva opažačka izvješća i u svom latinskom prijevodu uvrstio ih u svoj monumentalni Almagestum novum (1651) da bi osporio netočno Galileievo objašnjenje o uzroku morskih mijena. Time je Sagrijevim izvješćima 'produžio' vijek i proširio područje utjecaja, osobito među profesorima i studentima isusovačkih kolegija do 1757. Kad je Isaac Gruter iz Baconove ostavštine priredio Scripta in naturali et universali philosophia (1653) za amsterdamskoga izdavača Elseviera, prvi je put objelodanjena i Baconova kraća rasprava De fluxu et refluxu maris. Uvjeren u korespondenciju između gibanja Mjeseca i morskih mijena (consensus rerum), engleski je filozof formulirao svoj istraživački program i tom prilikom predočio tri eksperimenta, od kojih je drugi oblikovao iz Petrićeva prikaza prvoga Sagrijeva izvješća. Na kraju svoje rasprave Bacon se izravno založio da se Sagrijeva opažanja nastave i profine. Je li mu pri formulaciji 'drugog eksperimenta' kao predložak poslužila Petrićeva Pancosmia ili Casmannove Marinae quaestiones - to ostaje otvorenim pitanjem. Dok je u Almagestum novum uključio oba Sagrijeva izvješća iz u cjelovitu latinskom prijevodu, Riccioli je u dvama izdanjima svoga kasnijeg djela Geographiae et hydrographiae reformatae libri duodecim (1661, 1672) objavio tablicu nastupa plime po atlantskim primorjima europskih država, u kojoj je, u usporedbi s kasnijim opažajima plime u djelima Slotbooma, Dudleya i Varena, zadržao znatan broj Sagrijevih opažaja morske plime od Gibraltara do Nieuwpoorta, duž južne engleske obale, duž irskih obala i pri prijelazu Engleskog kanala s polazištem u nekoj flandrijskoj luci. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]
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